American Indian ethnic renewal : Red power and the by Joane Nagel

By Joane Nagel

Does activism subject? This booklet solutions with a transparent "yes." American Indian Ethnic Renewal strains the expansion of the yank Indian inhabitants during the last 40 years, whilst the variety of local american citizens grew from fewer than one-half million in 1950 to almost 2 million in 1990. This quadrupling of the yankee Indian inhabitants can't be defined through emerging beginning premiums, declining dying premiums, or immigration. as an alternative, the expansion within the variety of American Indians is the results of an elevated willingness of american citizens to spot themselves as Indians. what's using this elevated ethnic identity? In American Indian Ethnic Renewal, Joane Nagel identifies numerous historic forces that have converged to create an city Indian inhabitants base, a reservation and concrete Indian organizational infrastructure, and a vast cultural weather of ethnic delight and militancy. primary between those forces used to be federal Indian "Termination" coverage which, sarcastically, used to be designed to assimilate and de-tribalize local the United States. Reactions opposed to Termination have been nurtured by way of the Civil Rights period surroundings of ethnic delight to develop into a significant concentration of the local rights activist circulate referred to as "Red Power." This resurgence of yankee Indian ethnic satisfaction encouraged elevated Indian ethnic id, introduced a renaissance in American Indian tradition, language, artwork, and spirituality, and finally contributed to the alternative of Termination with new federal regulations maintaining tribal Self- choice. American Indian Ethnic Renewal deals a normal thought of ethnic resurgence which stresses either constitution and agency--the position of politics and the significance of collective and person action--in figuring out how ethnic teams revitalize and reinvent themselves. students and scholars of yank Indians, social hobbies and activism, and up to date usa background, in addition to the final reader drawn to local American lifestyles, will all locate this an interesting and informative paintings

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S. 86 In what ways, then, can it be argued that American Indian ethnicity is socially constructed? While we may find the ethnic construction model convincing for some, if not most, American ethnic groups, are not American Indians a unique case? What evidence is there that American Indian ethnic identification is the result of rational and/or nonrational volitional choice, that Indian ethnicity changes situationally, or that Indian ethnic identification, organization, and group boundaries have shifted historically, reflecting newly constructed ethnic identities, reconstructed historical ethnic boundaries, and revised and revitalized cultural traditions?

However compelling the model presented in this chapter may appear at first glance, American Indians are not obvious candidates for demonstrating the constructed character of ethnicity. Of all American ethnic groups, Native Americans seem to exemplify ethnicity at its most primordial and immutable, unique exceptions to more contemporary volitional, situational ethnic formations. Surely these "first Americans," the descendants of the indigenous peoples populating the Americas before the arrival of Columbus, represent ethnicity in its most authentic, historical form.

CONCLUSION The construction and reconstruction of ethnic identity and ethnic boundaries are fundamental dimensions of ethnicity in modern states. Ethnic construction processes are undertaken by groups for both material and symbolic purposes. 81 Just as ethnic identity is both volitional and ascribed, ethnicity is constructed by individuals and ethnic groups themselves, as well as by social, economic, and political outsiders. Ethnic boundaries are constructed from within and from without, propped up by both internal and external pressures.

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